We
propose to classify the ways people receive sensory information as visual,
verbal, and other (tactile, gustatory, olfactory). Visual learners
prefer that information be presented visually—in pictures, diagrams, flow
charts, time lines, films, and demonstrations—rather than in spoken or written
words. Verbal learners prefer spoken or written explanations to visual presentations.
The third category (touch, taste, smell) plays at most a marginal role in language
instruction and will not be addressed further.
This
categorization is somewhat unconventional in the context of the learning style
literature (e.g., Barbe & Swassing 1979; Dunn, Dunn, & Price 1978), in
which sensory modalities are classified as visual, auditory, and kinesthetic.
Since the five human senses are seeing, hearing, touching, tasting, and
smelling, we suggest that “kinesthetic” does not properly belong on a list of
sensory input modalities. A student’s preference for motion or physical activity
of some sort during the learning process belongs in a separate learning style category:
our proposed system and Kolb’s (1984) model place it in the active/reflective dimension,
and the familiar model based on Jung’s typology (Lawrence 1993) includes it in the
extravert-introvert dimension.
The
distinction between the visual-auditory and visual-verbal classifications has
to do with whether reading prose is more closely related to seeing pictures
(which leads to the visualauditory contrast) or to hearing speech
(visualverbal). Three mechanisms have been proposed for the process of
extracting lexical significance from written words (Martin 1978): direct access
(the reader jumps directly from the printed form of the word to its lexical
meaning), indirect access (the printed words are translated internally
into sounds before information about their meaning can be located in lexical
memory), and dual encoding (lexical memory can be reached either
directly or
indirectly).
An extensive body of research supports a form of the dual encoding hypothesis.
Direct
access is possible when words are familiar or when artificial conditions
imposed in a research setting make speech encoding inefficient; however, when
material is unfamiliar or difficult, lexical memory is speechaccessed (Crowder
& Wagner 1992). The implication is that expository prose of the sort one
finds in books and on classroom chalkboards is much more likely to be
speech-mediated than directly accessed when silently read, and so belongs in
the verbal rather than the visual category.
Most
people extract and retain more information from visual presentations than from
written
or spoken prose (Dale 1969), while most language instruction is verbal,
involving predominantly lectures, writing in texts and on chalkboards, and
audiotapes in language laboratories. Given the preference of most students for
visual input, one would expect the last of these modes of presentation in
particular to be unpopular, an expectation borne out in research cited by Moody
(1988). When community college students were asked to rank-order 13
instructional modes, including lectures, discussion, slides, field trips, and
audiotapes, audiotapes ranked at or near the bottom for the overwhelming
majority of students surveyed.
Recent
studies of learning styles in foreign language education (e.g., Oxford &
Ehrman 1993) consistently place reading in the visual category, implying that
instructors can meet the needs of visual learners solely by relying on written
instructional material. Certainly visual learners learn better if they see and
hear words in the target language, but so do auditory learners: presenting
the same material in different ways invariably has a reinforcing effect on
retention. The challenge to language instructors is to devise ways of
augmenting their verbal classroom presentation with nonverbal visual
material—for example, showing photographs, drawings, sketches, and cartoons to
reinforce presentation of vocabulary words, and using films, videotapes, and
dramatizations to illustrate lessons in dialogue and pronunciation.
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